What is Anthropology? Book Summary

Title: What is Anthropology?
Author: Thomas Hylland Eriksen

TLDR: This book explores the core concepts, methods, and theories of anthropology, highlighting its relevance in understanding the complexities of a globalized world marked by cultural diversity, rapid social change, and the rise of identity politics. From fieldwork and reciprocity to kinship and the cultural construction of nature, the book offers a compelling introduction to the anthropological way of thinking.

Part 1: Entrances

Chapter 1: Why Anthropology?

This chapter introduces the growing relevance of anthropology in understanding the complexities of the modern world. Eriksen argues that anthropology is no longer a niche academic subject but a vital tool for navigating the challenges of globalisation, cultural diversity, and rapid social change. He highlights four key reasons why anthropological knowledge is increasingly important:

1. Increased Contact Between Cultures: Globalisation has significantly increased the frequency and intensity of interaction between culturally diverse groups. This is evident in the rise of international travel, migration flows, and even forms of “cultural tourism” seeking to experience diverse ways of life. Understanding cultural variation is becoming a necessity for navigating these interactions and addressing issues like multiculturalism and integration.
2. The Shrinking World: Communication technologies like satellite television, cell phones, and the internet have created a “shrinking world” where global communication is instantaneous and borders are increasingly permeable. This interconnectedness creates a sense of shared humanity while simultaneously amplifying existing global inequalities. Anthropology offers tools for understanding these interconnected realities, examining how global forces impact local communities.
3. Rapid Cultural Change: Contemporary societies, even in the West, are experiencing rapid cultural transformations. Family structures, youth cultures, food habits, and notions of identity are evolving quickly, leading to a sense of disorientation and prompting questions about cultural authenticity and belonging. Anthropology can provide insights into these changes, helping us understand the dynamics of cultural evolution and the relationship between tradition and modernity.
4. The Rise of Cultural Identity: As local cultures feel threatened by globalisation and homogenisation, there is a growing emphasis on preserving and strengthening cultural identities. This has led to a rise in identity politics, with minority groups demanding cultural rights and states attempting to control cultural change through legislation. Anthropology offers a critical lens for understanding these identity politics, examining how culture is used as a resource in political struggles.

Eriksen then distinguishes anthropology from other disciplines like sociology, political science, and cultural studies. He argues that anthropology’s strength lies in its unique focus on understanding human life from a local, ground-up perspective, exploring the interconnectedness between everyday practices and larger societal structures.

He traces the historical development of anthropology, highlighting the contributions of its founding fathers: Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, and Marcel Mauss. He discusses key anthropological concepts like cultural relativism, participant observation, and structural-functionalism, showing how they have shaped the discipline’s approach to studying culture and society.

Finally, Eriksen asserts that while anthropology has diversified and evolved over the past century, its core principles remain relevant. These include an emphasis on understanding the relationship between the unique and the universal, a commitment to “the native’s point of view,” and a comparative approach to studying culture and society.

Chapter 2: The Key Concepts

This chapter delves into the fundamental concepts that form the bedrock of anthropological thinking. Recognizing that language shapes our perception of reality, Eriksen explores how anthropological concepts influence the way we observe and interpret the world. He focuses on four key concepts, highlighting their complexities and their crucial role in anthropological analysis:

1. Person: Eriksen explores how the concept of “person” varies across cultures. He contrasts the individualistic, egocentric notion of person prevalent in Western societies with the sociocentric, relational conceptions found in other cultures, like India and Melanesia. He discusses how gender, a fundamental element of the person concept, is constructed differently across cultures, highlighting the dynamic relationship between sex, gender, and social expectations.
2. Society: Eriksen grapples with the ambiguity and fluidity of the “society” concept. He argues that simple dichotomies like Gemeinschaft (community) and Gesellschaft (society) are inadequate for understanding the complex, interconnected realities of contemporary societies. He discusses how delineating the boundaries of a society is often problematic, especially in ethnically diverse or weakly integrated states. He highlights the need for considering the multi-layered nature of social systems, encompassing both small-scale, local communities and larger, more abstract social structures.
3. Culture: Eriksen acknowledges the complexity and contested nature of the “culture” concept. He presents four key objections raised against the concept: (1) the ambiguity of “culture” as both uniting and dividing humanity, (2) the difficulty of delineating cultural boundaries in a world of increasing hybridity and internal variation, (3) the potential for political misuse of “culture” to justify oppression and exclusion, and (4) the lack of specificity and nuance inherent in using “culture” as a catch-all explanation for complex social phenomena. Despite these objections, he defends the continued relevance of “culture” in acknowledging the systematic differences in worldviews and social practices across groups. He emphasizes the need for nuanced, specific terminology and a conscious awareness of the limitations of the “culture” concept.
4. Translation: Eriksen emphasizes the crucial role of “translation” in anthropological research. He argues that anthropological research involves not only translating languages but also translating cultural concepts and practices into a language that makes sense to outsiders. He highlights the inherent challenges of cultural translation, including the potential for misinterpretation, simplification, and the influence of the researcher’s own biases. He discusses the importance of balancing distance and closeness, striving to understand the “native’s point of view” while acknowledging the subjective nature of any translation.

Finally, Eriksen discusses the importance of “comparison” in anthropology, highlighting its purpose as not to rank societies but to illuminate the significance of findings, reveal similarities and differences, and develop or critique theoretical generalizations. He acknowledges the complexities of comparing apples and pears, highlighting the importance of contextualization and the inherent limitations of translating and comparing across cultural boundaries.

Chapter 3: Fieldwork

This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of ethnographic fieldwork, the core methodological practice of anthropology. Eriksen highlights the dynamic relationship between fieldwork and analysis, emphasizing that description and interpretation are inevitably intertwined. He discusses the crucial steps involved in preparing for fieldwork, including formulating hypotheses, delineating the empirical scope, and engaging with relevant theoretical perspectives.

He outlines the central role of “participant observation” in fieldwork, showcasing the diverse strategies involved, from structured interviews to informal interactions. He argues that anthropologists seek to encounter informants in their everyday contexts, allowing for a holistic understanding of their lives.

Eriksen then contrasts the classic model of village fieldwork with the challenges and opportunities of conducting research in complex, modern societies. He discusses how anthropologists need to adapt their methods and utilize additional sources of information, like archival research, statistics, and media analysis, when engaging with large-scale social systems.

He emphasizes the importance of contextualization and holism in ethnographic research, arguing that every phenomenon must be understood in its interconnected web of relationships. He discusses the limitations of relying solely on verbal information from informants, highlighting the importance of observing actions and practices to uncover the implicit, tacit knowledge that shapes social life.

Eriksen then explores potential pitfalls of fieldwork, including ethnocentrism, homeblindness, and language barriers. He highlights the need for anthropologists to be self-aware of their biases and to embrace the ambiguity and complexities of cultural translation.

He revisits the concepts of “emic” and “etic” perspectives, highlighting the ongoing debate between those who prioritize the “native’s point of view” and those who seek to offer scientific explanations. He argues that anthropology navigates the tension between understanding local realities and generating broader theoretical insights.

Finally, Eriksen acknowledges the changing landscape of anthropological fieldwork in a globalized world, where traditional boundaries between “us” and “them” have become increasingly blurred. He highlights the new challenges posed by cultural hybridity, the political mobilization of culture, and the increasing awareness of anthropological research by those being studied. He concludes by affirming the enduring value of fieldwork and its ability to provide unique insights into the complexities of human experience.

Chapter 4: Theories

This chapter navigates the diverse theoretical landscape of anthropology, highlighting both the historical shifts and the enduring questions that have shaped the discipline. Eriksen uses metaphors of a “crossroads with busy traffic” and a “coral reef” to convey the dynamic and evolving nature of anthropological theorizing.

He begins by discussing structural-functionalism, the dominant theoretical paradigm in British social anthropology during the mid-20th century. He explains how structural-functionalists like A.R. Radcliffe-Brown sought to understand how social institutions contribute to the maintenance and integration of society as a whole. He highlights the concept of “social structure” as a system of interrelated statuses and the focus on explaining social phenomena through their present functions.

He then contrasts structural-functionalism with the “culture and personality” school that emerged in American anthropology. He discusses how theorists like Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead focused on the psychological dimensions of culture, seeking to understand how cultural patterns shape individual personalities. He highlights the emphasis on child-rearing practices and the influence of Freudian psychology in this approach.

Eriksen then traces the shift toward a greater emphasis on individual agency and the interplay between structure and action in postwar anthropology. He discusses the contributions of theorists like Raymond Firth, Fredrik Barth, Pierre Bourdieu, and Anthony Giddens, highlighting their attempts to bridge the gap between structuralist and individualistic perspectives. He explores concepts like social organization, transactions, habitus, and structuration, showcasing the complex ways in which individuals both shape and are shaped by social structures.

He then delves into structuralism, the influential theory developed by Claude Lévi-Strauss. He explains how Lévi-Strauss drew inspiration from structural linguistics to explore the underlying structures of the human mind, arguing that human thought operates through binary oppositions and symbolic transformations. He discusses Lévi-Strauss’s analyses of kinship, myth, and classification systems, highlighting his search for universal patterns of human cognition.

Eriksen then explores the “primacy of the material” perspective, discussing how theorists like Julian Steward, Leslie White, and Marvin Harris sought to explain cultural and social phenomena through material conditions, particularly technology and ecology. He highlights the debates surrounding cultural materialism and the different models proposed for understanding the relationship between the material base and the symbolic superstructure.

He then discusses interpretive anthropology, the approach championed by Clifford Geertz. He explains how Geertz emphasized the importance of interpreting cultures as “texts,” seeking to understand the shared meanings and symbolic webs that constitute a cultural universe. He highlights Geertz’s focus on “thick description” and his argument for understanding culture from the “native’s point of view.”

Finally, Eriksen reflects on the state of anthropological theory today, highlighting the growing eclecticism, theoretical modesty, and critical self-examination within the discipline. He argues that while grand theories have fallen out of favor, the core questions of anthropology—how humans act, how societies are integrated, and how thought varies across cultures—remain central to the discipline. He concludes by emphasizing the interconnectedness of theory and fieldwork and the ongoing evolution of anthropological thinking in response to new empirical insights and a changing world.

Part 2: Fields

Chapter 5: Reciprocity

This chapter explores the concept of “reciprocity,” a fundamental principle of social organization and a cornerstone of anthropological thought. Eriksen begins by discussing the seminal work of Marcel Mauss, whose essay The Gift (1925) laid the foundation for understanding the social significance of gift exchange in “archaic” societies. He highlights Mauss’s three-fold distinction between societies based on: (1) universal gift exchange, (2) a mix of gift exchange and other forms of economic integration, and (3) modern market societies where gift exchange plays a marginal role.

He analyzes the three essential elements of the gift: the obligation to give, the obligation to receive, and the obligation to reciprocate. He argues that gift exchange creates a complex web of social obligations and commitments, serving as a crucial mechanism for social cohesion in societies lacking centralized political institutions.

Eriksen examines two classic examples of gift exchange studied by anthropologists: the Kula ring in Melanesia and the potlatch institution among Native American groups on the Northwest Coast. He discusses how these seemingly non-economic practices contribute to social integration, prestige, and political power, highlighting the complex interplay between material exchange and symbolic meaning.

He then introduces Karl Polanyi’s theory of economic integration, which distinguishes between reciprocity, redistribution, and market exchange as distinct principles governing economic activity. He discusses how Polanyi’s historical analysis of the rise of market economies challenged the assumption that maximizing individual utility is a universal human motivation, highlighting the importance of understanding economic systems within their broader social and cultural context.

Eriksen then explores Marshall Sahlins’s contributions to the anthropology of reciprocity. He discusses Sahlins’s three forms of reciprocity: balanced reciprocity (like market exchange), generalized reciprocity (like gift giving), and negative reciprocity (like theft or deception). He highlights how Sahlins’s model sheds light on the moral dimensions of economic exchange, showing how different forms of reciprocity reflect varying degrees of social distance and trust.

He then discusses how anthropologists have further developed Mauss’s insights, exploring the complex power dynamics inherent in gift exchange and the ways in which generalized reciprocity can create bonds of dependence and obligation. He highlights the work of Pierre Bourdieu, who argued that symbolic power can be used to manipulate and exploit the logic of the gift.

Eriksen also discusses Annette Weiner’s concept of “inalienable possessions,” highlighting the objects and knowledges that are deemed too sacred or personal to be given away or exchanged. He explores how these possessions mark the boundaries of reciprocity, defining a group’s identity and sense of continuity.

He then examines how anthropological insights into reciprocity have illuminated the study of consumption in modern societies. He discusses the work of Daniel Miller, who argues that shopping, often seen as a self-indulgent activity, can be understood as a form of gift exchange and sacrifice, reflecting and reinforcing social relationships.

Finally, Eriksen points to the growing interdisciplinary interest in reciprocity, highlighting how evolutionary psychologists and other biologically oriented scholars have come to recognize the importance of cooperation and mutual trust in human social evolution. He concludes by arguing that reciprocity is a fundamental aspect of human sociality, a universal principle that transcends cultural boundaries and helps explain the enduring power of social bonds.

Chapter 6: Kinship

This chapter delves into the study of kinship, a central domain of anthropological inquiry and a key to understanding social organization in a wide range of societies. Eriksen acknowledges the enduring significance of kinship studies while also addressing the critiques and complexities surrounding the concept in contemporary anthropology.

He begins by tracing the historical development of kinship studies, starting with Lewis Henry Morgan’s pioneering work in the 19th century. He discusses Morgan’s distinction between classifi catory and descriptive kinship systems, highlighting how different cultures categorize and label relatives. He also notes the evolutionist assumptions that shaped early kinship theories, such as the belief in a universal progression from matrilineal to patrilineal descent.

Eriksen then explores the “descent model” of kinship that dominated British social anthropology during the mid-20th century. He explains how anthropologists like Meyer Fortes and E.E. Evans-Pritchard focused on understanding the role of unilineal descent groups in organizing social and political life, particularly in segmentary lineage societies. He discusses how these societies are characterized by a flexible, decentralized system of social organization based on nested kinship segments that expand or contract depending on the situation.

He then analyzes the challenges to the descent model, highlighting critiques from anthropologists who emphasized individual agency and strategic manipulation of kinship rules. He discusses the contributions of Laura Bohannan, who showed how the Tiv strategically used genealogies to their advantage, and Fredrik Barth, who demonstrated how segmentary organization in Swat, Pakistan, could foster individual entrepreneurship rather than collective solidarity.

Eriksen then introduces Claude Lévi-Strauss’s “alliance theory,” which shifted the focus from descent to marriage as the primary building block of kinship systems. He explains how Lévi-Strauss viewed marriage as a form of exchange, with women as the “super-gift” that creates alliances and social cohesion between groups. He discusses how Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist approach emphasized the underlying patterns and rules that govern marriage preferences and prohibitions in different societies.

He then examines the distinction between kinship and family, highlighting the difference between descent groups and households as social units. He analyzes the potential tensions between kinship and affinity, using the classic example of mothers-in-law to illustrate how competing loyalties and obligations can create conflict.

Eriksen then explores the relationship between kinship and biology, addressing the critiques of anthropologists like David Schneider and Rodney Needham, who argued that kinship is a purely cultural construct, unrelated to biological ties. He distinguishes between the subjective influence of cultural notions about blood relatedness and the objective influence of biological factors like kin selection on human behavior. He discusses the controversies surrounding sociobiological explanations of kinship, particularly the concept of kin selection and its implications for understanding phenomena like nepotism and child abuse.

Finally, Eriksen discusses the changing role of kinship in modern societies. He acknowledges the common assumption that kinship becomes less important as societies become more complex and individualized, but he also challenges the simplistic view that kinship is irrelevant in modern life. He highlights the continued significance of kinship networks in urban communities and the importance of family ties in shaping personal identity, even in societies where individualism is highly valued. He concludes by arguing that kinship remains a rich and productive field of anthropological inquiry, offering valuable insights into the enduring power of family and social bonds.

Chapter 7: Nature

This chapter delves into the complex and multifaceted relationship between culture and nature, a long-standing concern in anthropological thought. Eriksen begins by addressing the historical tension between the social sciences and the natural sciences, highlighting the differing perspectives and methodologies that have often led to disciplinary divides. He discusses the dominant view in social and cultural anthropology, which emphasizes the cultural construction of nature and the autonomy of culture from biological determinism.

He explores the concept of “inner nature,” focusing on debates surrounding human nature and the extent to which innate biological factors shape human behavior. He examines the critiques of biological explanations for social and cultural phenomena, highlighting the role of cultural variation and historical context in shaping human actions. He discusses the classic example of the debate about aggression, contrasting sociobiological accounts that emphasize innate tendencies for violence with anthropological perspectives that highlight the cultural and situational variability of aggressive behavior. He also analyzes the ways in which cultural notions about biology influence kinship practices, discussing practices like adoption and artificial insemination.

Eriksen then shifts to the concept of “external nature,” examining the relationship between ecology and society. He discusses the development of human ecology as a field of inquiry and explores various models for understanding how ecological conditions influence cultural adaptation and social organization. He examines classic examples of ecological analyses in anthropology, such as Marvin Harris’s interpretation of sacred cows in India and Roy Rappaport’s study of pig rituals in New Guinea. He highlights the critiques of these functionalist explanations, arguing that cultural responses to environmental constraints are often more complex and diverse than simple adaptation models suggest.

He then explores the concept of nature as a social construction, highlighting how different cultures perceive, categorize, and attribute meaning to the natural world. He discusses the work of Mary Douglas, who argued that classification systems reflect and reinforce social structures, and Claude Lévi-Strauss, who analyzed totemism as a form of symbolic classification that bridges the gap between nature and culture. He explores how anthropologists have examined cultural representations of nature, ranging from ethnobotany and ethnozoology to the study of environmental ideologies and conservation practices.

Eriksen also discusses the ways in which the body, often seen as the most natural aspect of human existence, is shaped by culture. He draws on Marcel Mauss’s concept of “techniques of the body,” highlighting how seemingly natural bodily practices, like walking, eating, and sleeping, are in fact culturally learned and vary across societies. He discusses how Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus further developed this understanding, emphasizing the ways in which cultural knowledge and dispositions are embodied and become taken-for-granted aspects of everyday life.

He then analyzes the role of technology in shaping human thought and perception of nature. He discusses the example of the clock, highlighting its impact on conceptions of time, punctuality, and efficiency. He also explores the transformative effects of writing, arguing that literacy enables the development of abstract thought, cumulative knowledge, and the separation of utterances from their context. He examines how writing has contributed to the rise of scientific thought, historical consciousness, and even nationalist ideologies.

Finally, Eriksen addresses the rise of sociobiology and evolutionary psychology, discussing the attempts to explain cultural and social phenomena through the lens of evolutionary theory. He analyzes the critiques of these approaches, highlighting the limitations of reducing cultural complexity to biological adaptation. He concludes by arguing for a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between culture and nature, acknowledging the dynamic interplay between biological predispositions, cultural constructions, and historical contingencies in shaping human experience.

Chapter 8: Thought

This chapter explores the anthropological study of thought and knowledge systems, examining the ways in which human reasoning and understanding are shaped by cultural contexts. Eriksen begins by addressing the historical debate surrounding rationality and relativism, highlighting the challenges of understanding and interpreting different modes of thinking.

He discusses early theories that viewed “primitive” thought as pre-logical or irrational, contrasting them with later anthropological perspectives that emphasized the internal logic and coherence of diverse knowledge systems. He examines the seminal work of E.E. Evans-Pritchard, whose study of witchcraft among the Azande (1937) demonstrated how seemingly irrational beliefs can be understood as rational within their own cultural framework.

Eriksen analyzes the criticisms leveled against Evans-Pritchard by philosophers like Peter Winch, who argued that different systems of knowledge are incommensurable and cannot be judged according to external standards of rationality. He explores the implications of this “relativist” perspective for anthropological research, highlighting the ongoing challenges of translation and interpretation.

He then examines anthropological approaches to understanding classification systems, drawing on the work of Mary Douglas and Claude Lévi-Strauss. He discusses how these scholars explored the symbolic and social significance of classifications, arguing that they reflect and reinforce cultural values and social structures. He analyzes Douglas’s concept of “pollution” as a way of understanding how anomalies and things that do not fit into established categories are managed and controlled. He also discusses Lévi-Strauss’s analysis of totemism as a system of symbolic classification that connects the natural and social worlds.

Eriksen then explores the ways in which technology influences human thought, highlighting the role of externalizing knowledge through tools like writing, numbers, and clocks. He discusses Jack Goody’s theory of the “domestication of the savage mind,” arguing that literacy enables the development of abstract, analytical thought and the separation of knowledge from its immediate context. He examines the impact of numeracy and the clock on conceptions of time, efficiency, and standardization. He also discusses how writing has contributed to the development of scientific knowledge, historical consciousness, and nationalist ideologies.

He concludes by highlighting the ongoing challenges of studying thought in a cross-cultural perspective, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding of the relationship between cultural context, cognitive processes, and the diverse ways in which humans make sense of the world.

Chapter 9: Identification

This chapter explores the anthropological study of identity and identification processes, examining how individuals and groups define themselves in relation to others. Eriksen begins by acknowledging the growing interest in identity in contemporary societies, highlighting the role of identity politics, cultural change, and globalization in shaping how people understand their place in the world.

He emphasizes the social nature of identity, arguing that identification is always relational and situational, depending on the context and the groups with whom individuals interact. He discusses the various social categories that shape identity, including kinship, ethnicity, nationality, gender, class, religion, and age, highlighting how these categories can be both imposed and chosen, depending on the situation and the power dynamics at play.

He examines Fredrik Barth’s influential model of ethnicity, which emphasized the dynamic nature of ethnic boundaries and the role of social interaction in maintaining group distinctions. He discusses how Barth challenged the traditional view of ethnicity as fixed and based on shared cultural traits, arguing that ethnic identity is situational and negotiated through interactions with others.

Eriksen analyzes the complex relationship between culture and identification, highlighting how ethnic groups can have significant internal cultural variation and how seemingly similar groups can maintain strong social boundaries. He discusses the role of stereotypes and perceptions of difference in shaping ethnic identities, arguing that social distinctions are often based on imagined or exaggerated differences rather than objective cultural traits.

He then explores the distinction between imperative and chosen identities, highlighting how certain identities, such as gender, ethnicity, or kinship, are often imposed on individuals, while others, such as political affiliation or professional identity, are more readily chosen. He argues that even imperative identities are not entirely fixed and can be negotiated and manipulated within certain limits.

Eriksen then analyzes the factors that influence the strength of group identification, drawing on Georg Simmel’s concept of external pressure and internal cohesion. He argues that groups tend to become more cohesive and their identities more salient when they face external threats or pressure. He discusses how this principle can be applied to various social groups, ranging from ethnic minorities and religious communities to social classes and even gender groups.

He then examines the role of internal resources and sanctions in shaping group identification, arguing that groups must offer their members something valuable, whether material benefits, symbolic meaning, or social support, to maintain their loyalty and commitment. He discusses how the degree of belonging and the intensity of identification vary depending on the resources and sanctions available to the group.

Finally, Eriksen explores the concept of “anomalies” in identification systems, highlighting the individuals and groups who do not fit neatly into established categories. He discusses the example of “douglas” in Trinidad, individuals of mixed African and Indian ancestry who do not fully belong to either ethnic group. He examines how hybridity, creolisation, and syncretism create new cultural forms and challenge the rigidity of traditional boundaries. He concludes by arguing that despite the blurring of boundaries and the rise of hybrid identities, the human need for belonging and the social significance of group distinctions remain enduring features of social life.